Anth
ro Pos 93.1998
Some Sociopolitical Aspects of Luo Funerals
A Summary of Luo Funeral Rites
129
Accounts of Luo funerals indicate that at the turn
°f the century, Luo adults were buried underneath
the floor of their first wives’ huts (Millikin 1906:
5 4; Hartmann 1928: 270; Mboya 1983 [1938]:
113). Hartmann, however, adds that an adult male
^ho had several wives would be buried outside of
the hut in which he died after building a small
temporary hut on the burial spot (1928: 270).
These days people are never buried in their huts
0r houses, but burial outside of the hut or houses
(not necessarily the one the deceased died in, but
definitely within the homestead) continues.
When death occurs, there is a lot of wailing and
Cr ying by relatives in the homestead (Mboya 1983:
ll; Millikin 1906: 54). Funerals are public, and
f °r important persons, hundreds, even thousands
°f people attend (Hartmann 1928: 270). Those
^tending at the funeral include immediate and
^tended kin, friends, colleagues, and neighbors.
^ e ople will travel from great distances to attend
the funeral of an important person or that of a
dose relative.
The practice of tero burn involving running
cows outside of the village and back, depicting
a mock fight with participants carrying spears and
s ome war paraphernalia is done, normally on the
Se cond day after death (Mboya 1983: 112; Ndisi
^74: 80). This practice has been interpreted as a
Process of chasing away evil spirits (Egan 1987:
”!)• Some also see it as a means of spreading
the news of the death (Ndisi 1974: 80). Burial is
the next day, as per some old accounts, but these
^ a ys many factors may delay burial for several
^ a ys. Litigation, for example, delayed by about
jAe months the burial of the famed Luo lawyer
S M Otieno in 1987 (Egan 1987). In addition, when
^ e ath occurs away from home, the body has to
e transported, thus money has to be collected
ar >d other arrangements made, further delaying the
Ur ial. Burials may also be delayed to give time
cr some key family members to attend the funeral
(Ndisi 1974: 81).
Before the burial, according to Mboya’s old ac-
c°Unt, the wives of the deceased’s brother wash the
a nds and feet of the deceased and put the body in
grave (Mboya 1983: 113). This has obviously
changed in many places, a good example being
ae testimony given in the SM Otieno case that
' v °men don’t handle or wash the bodies of dead
¡? en ; that it is the brothers or male relatives of the
ec eased who wash the body (Egan 1987: 69).
Pood and drinks are provided for the mourners,
ari( l music and dance also accompany the moum-
ing, especially at night (Hartmann 1928: 270).
Amount of food and drinks provided depend on
the ability of the family, friends, and relatives
to provide. Wailing and laughter mingle in the
mourning.
According to Mboya’s account, after the body
had been placed in the grave, the eldest son of
the deceased, followed by other sons in their
descending order of birth, then followed by the
deceased’s wives in their descending order of
marriage, scooped by their hands and threw some
dirt or soil into the grave, while facing away
from the grave or with their backs turned to the
grave (Mboya 1983: 114). These days, as I have
witnessed, people face the grave as they throw the
soil.
Magenga, the night funeral fire is lit and lasts
three nights after the burial for a male, and four
nights for a woman. Some accounts, however
switch the number of days around - four for men
and three for women (Egan 1987: 69).
Cooperation and Communitas
in Luo Funerals
A successful Luo funeral is one where attendance
is large, plenty of food is available, and there is
a lot crying and wailing. When the burial has
taken place, and the funeral is over, the success
of the funeral will be gauged by all of the above
three things: “X” ji oywago ahinya (“People really
mourned ‘X’”), Kayuoche oyxvage, ah ah kayuoche
oywage ahinya (“His in-laws mourned him, ah
ah, his in-laws mourned him a lot”), Liend “X” ji
ochieme ndi (“People really ate at ‘X’ funeral”).
It follows then that a successful Luo funeral and
burial depend on the active involvement of not
only the immediate family of the deceased, but
also critically on other kin or relatives, colleagues,
and friends. The reason for this is relatively clear.
All of the logistics of putting together a successful
funeral or burial are beyond the capacity of the
bereaved family alone to provide. A description
of the activities that take place in a funeral can
shed light on the difficulty of putting together a
successful funeral.
Gathering at the deceased’s home begins imme
diately, when death occurs or is learned. The initial
or the immediate gathering is that of relatives who
live close by and neighbors. This initial gathering
is often relatively small, about fifteen to twenty
people for the cases I have observed. Food and
drinks are provided for all those who visit the
bereaved home. Expenditures immediately start to
