Joseph the Smith and the Salvational Transformation of Matter in Early Medieval Europe
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which anything is composed) was also the word
for wood used in construction (Meiggs 1982: 359;
Hughes 1983: 440). In the European Middle Ages,
“wood (together with the produce of the earth) was
a material so precious that it became the symbol of
earthly goods” (Le Goff 1988a; 204). Le Goff, who
notes the early medieval tendency to see Joseph
as a blacksmith, also sees in the later medieval
identification of him as a woodworker “the incarna
tion of the human condition in the wooden middle
ages” that may have manifested “medieval feeling
about raw materials,” including both the valuing of
earthly goods and the need for redemptive rising
above them (1988a: 207).
Iron also has long been accorded symbolic and
metaphorical significance, often as a substance
which is in some manner base, meaning qualita
tively lacking or negative in attributes. In classi
cal literature, coarse iron ore, which derived from
the wilds of the mountainous wasteland (Brown
1947: 38, 46), was ranked qualitatively as the low
est metal (following gold, silver, and bronze) and
associated with humans (following gods and spir
its; Treister 1996: 120). Centuries later, in north
ern Europe, the Kalevala describes iron in broadly
similar terms as a personified substance originally
living in the wilderness and, therefore, wild, un
tamed, and dangerous (Lbnnrot 1963: 48, lines 89-
100). In the European early Middle Ages, Isidore
°f Seville described iron as hard and cold (Brehaut
1912: 155 f.) while Bartholomew Angelicus (13th
century), in his discussion of “the Properties of
Things,” declared iron to be of the earth, though
capable of change by hammering (Addison 1908: 4,
110). Similarly, Roger Bacon, ranking minerals and
Petals on a scale of pure to impure, clean to un
clean, puts iron at the bottom of the list as un
clean, impure, and altogether too “earthy” (Bacon
1992: 4, 6). In the color-imagery of the early Chris
tian tradition and the early Middle Ages, the dark-
ne ss of a lump of iron ore was a significant factor
lr i its “baseness” since it signified the absence of
a ny element of godly (spiritual) light or luminos-
ny and thus represented the purely physical world,
^cath and night, and/or spiritual humility (Dronke
!974: 64, 76, 79).
Both wood and iron were further believed to be
’mbued with fundamental chthonic life force, wood
because it derives from living trees rooted in the
earth and iron because it was obtained from equally
living” stone also rooted in the earth (Plumpe
^43; see also Murray 1975: chap. 6). As a living
l°rce, however, wood is subject to eventual death
(rotting) and decay while iron is more durable (ev-
er lasting). Iron also was long accorded exceptional
magical power useful for either good or evil pur
poses but, in any event, requiring care in manage
ment (Eliade 1962: 27-30). 61 As this essay has re
peatedly emphasized, iron’s greatest manifestation
of seemingly magical potencies (and its point of
greatest contrast with wood, both materially and
symbolically) lies in its capacity to be transformed
by heat and hammering from a lesser to a greater
(stronger) and purer material, whereas when wood
is affected by fire, no matter how spectacularly, it
ultimately loses worth and is consumed (dies), re
duced to ash and charred remains. 62
Nonetheless, during metallurgical purification
and transformation, the role of ore is as the ba
sic raw material, the “irregular Lump” of mat
ter (Robins 1953; 101), that begins the process of
change. Thus, iron ore can stand as metaphor for
whatever is to be (or could be) transformed into a
finer product, whether it be physical, mortal, sinful
(“impure”) humanity, as in early medieval Chris
tian exegesis, or part of the lump of base black
matter that initiated the ideologically related and
soteriologically informed laboratory processes of
the alchemist in the later Middle Ages and there
after. Indeed, iron’s most widespread medieval ap
preciation as base or primary matter may lie with
late medieval alchemists who, as honorable schol
ars and experimental artisans, correlated earth with
iron. Alchemists continued the long-standing in
terests of smelters and smiths in living matter. As
Masters of Fire they, too, sought to understand and
control the magico-religious transformation of liv
ing stone, sharing with Christianity (for many were
God-fearing men, even men in holy orders) a com
mitment to seeking and perfecting means to achieve
the spiritual perfection of earthly material. 63
61 To note a few examples, iron was not allowed in the con
struction of Moses’ sacrificial altar to Yahweh and gener
ally was not permitted in Greek sanctuaries or in certain
religious ceremonies in Rome (Robins 1953: 30 f.; Forbes
1956:59; McNutt 1990:217-219). In the European early
Middle Ages, and long after, iron’s inherent magical potency
determined whether it should be used to cut certain plants
and warded off the devil, witches, and storms (e.g., Flint
1991: 321, 324; Robins 1953: 28). According to Robins, in
Poland, when the initial introduction of iron ploughshares
was followed by bad harvest, farmers blamed the iron and
went back to using wood (1953: 31).
62 Charcoal is the exception to this statement, but charcoal,
though highly useful, seems to lack symbolic significance
in traditional lore.
63 Alchemy arrived in Western Europe during the 11 -13th cen
turies and flourished for several centuries thereafter. For an
introduction to its theory and development see, among oth
ers, Jung (1953); Hopkins (1934); Eliade (1962); Salzberg
(1991).