Seemannssprüche

Lüpkes, Wiard Habbo

Anthropos, 74.1979

Bibliographische Daten

Monographie

Strukturtyp:: Monographie

Werks-URN (URL):: https://digi.evifa.de/viewer/resolver?urn=urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-713371

URN:: urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-713371

Persistenter Identifier:: BV047314037

Titel:: Seemannssprüche

Untertitel:: Sprichwörter und sprichwörtliche Redensarten über Seewesen, Schiffer- und Fischerleben in den germanischen und romanischen Sprachen

Herausgeber:: Lüpkes, Wiard Habbo

Erscheinungsort:: Berlin

Verlag:: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn

Erscheinungsjahr:: 1900

Zusätzliche Information:: Sonderabdruck aus der "Marine-Rundschau"

Signatur:: 2023 SA 5949

Lizenz:: Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0)

Sammlung:: Allgemeiner Bestand

Wissensgebiet:: Sozial- und Kulturanthropologie > Kunst und Wissen; Literatur und Sprachen > Deutsche Sprache und Literatur

Kapitel

Strukturtyp:: Kapitel

Titel:: Seemannssprüche. II. In den romanischen Sprachen

Sammlung:: Allgemeiner Bestand

Kapitel

Strukturtyp:: Kapitel

Titel:: IV. Spanische und Portugiesische

Sammlung:: Allgemeiner Bestand

188 Mark Nichter Anthropos 74.1979 avarige kushta agide “to him leprosy has happened”, but the speaker will quickly emphasize his distance from the disease by adding nanage ilia avarige untu “to me it isn’t, for him it is”. Different terms exist for the general category of illness 3 . The term roga, which refers to a serious, often incurable illness, is never used in the first person. Rather the term kdyile is employed. For example, if I was to inquire of a villager how his cure of leprosy or herpes zoster was progressing, I would say nimma kdyile keg untu and not nimma yoga keg untu although both literally mean “how is your illness”. Kdyile is used in cases of serious non-contagious illnesses such as diabetes which linger, seem to get better, but recur. Roga is used to designate serious contagious illnesses such as smallpox, leprosy, etc. 4. Illness Taxonomy Frake (1961) has provided anthropology with a carefully thought out formal model of a folk medical taxonomy. Frake’s research among the Suba- nun included an investigation of the folk categories of the Sudanese taxonomic system of human disease. He proposed that named illnesses are diagnostic categories defined by verbal descriptions the characteristics of which are learned by villagers as a shared cognitive code. According to Frake, Sudanese villagers operate with identical diagnostic concepts based on shared definitions of illness categories. Informants operating with identical diagnostic concepts may disagree about the application of these concepts in a particular case, but rarely disagree on their verbal definitions of the concepts themselves (1961: 125). Frake’s model of folk taxonomy and the methodology he has utilized to establish this taxonomy are valuable in that they enable the anthropologist to catalog symptoms and to predict with relative accuracy what name will be assigned to a given set of symptoms. However, the cognitive unity which Pea ke proposes is indeed questionable for many societies (Fabrega 1971). It is one thing to say that villagers think within the parameters of an established system which encompasses all medical phenomena. It is quite another thing to say that the categories of this system are unambiguous and make up an identical cognitive code shared by all members of a society. Frake’s model is static, it does not account for the fact that individual models, individual taxon omies, exist and interact. Moreover, collective ideas may be less precise than Frake has suggested. Frake’s analysis does not take into account an exami nation of the substantial ambiguity which is more characteristic of some diag nostic categories than others. Frake points out that all illness episodes are construed by villagers to fall into one or more diagnostic categories. By extension, difficulty in identifying 3 Lately, the English term ‘sick’ has been kannadized and speakers use the term siku to refer to general ill health.

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