Zeitschrift für Ethnologie: Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 138.2013

Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 138.2013

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Zeitschrift

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschrift

Werks-URN (URL):: https://digi.evifa.de/viewer/resolver?urn=urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-714788

URN:: urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-714788

Persistenter Identifier:: BV035173706

Titel:: Zeitschrift für Ethnologie

Untertitel:: ZfE

ISSN:: 0044-2666

Erscheinungsort:: Berlin

Verlag:: Reimer

Erscheinungsjahr:: 1869

Lizenz:: Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0)

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Wissensgebiet:: Sozial- und Kulturanthropologie > Allgemeines

Zeitschriftenband

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschriftenband

Werks-URN (URL):: https://digi.evifa.de/viewer/resolver?urn=urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-713461

URN:: urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-713461

Persistenter Identifier:: 1625043690647

Titel:: Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 138.2013

Erscheinungsjahr:: 2013

Signatur:: LA 7600

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Zeitschriftenheft

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschriftenheft

Titel:: Bd. 138, 2013, Heft 2 Special Issue: Mobility and Identity in Central Asia

Sonstige Person:: Finke, Peter; Sanders, Rita; Zanca, Russel

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Zeitschriftenartikel

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschriftenartikel

Titel:: Han Migration to Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region: Between State Schemes and Migrants' Strategies

Sonstige Person:: Joniak-Lüthi, Agnieszka

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Agnieszka Joniak-Lüthi: Han Migration to Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region + many as ten to fifteen years are reluctant to settle down in Xinjiang, 1.e. relocate their hukou, since this would most likely close the cherished possibility of an eventual return home. As a number of my Han interviewees asserted, “Xinjiang is not a place where you want to live after retirement.” Moreover, hukou transfer would deprive rural migrants of the farmland bound to rural hzekou status which many still have in their communities of origin. During their absence, this land is leased; it often provides an additional source of income for the family. For Xinjiang authorities, non-hukou migrants are an ambiguous category. Even though these migrants are generally regarded as beneficial to the local economy, temporary and seasonal migrants are at the same time feared as potential sources of social disorder. They are difficult to control, as in the instance of birth-con- trol polictes. The official press blames this Floating Population (Liudong renkou) for threatening social stability, law and order, for breaching the one-child policy, and for living “unhygienic lifestyles” (Zhang 2010:279). The Floating Population — and even the Han Floating Population in Xinjiang — is similar to other non-sedentary populations in that it is treated suspiciously by the Chinese state and viewed. as particularly difficult to discipline with the means of territorial states. When viewed in this way, a sizeable portion of the Han who have migrated to Xinjiang since the early 1990s does not actu- ally fulfill the state’s plan to increase Han settlement in this border region. Rather, most contemporary migrants are instable, individually-driven and prone to fluctuate between those places that offer the most lucrative employment opportunities. In addition to the seasonal and temporary migrants who seek out employment in Xinjiang’s mines, construction sites and cotton fields, petty Han entrepreneurs who establish their own businesses in Xinjiang constitute another significant group in the discursive category of Profit-Driven Migrants. Since some of them migrate with their entire families, they are different from the temporary and seasonal migrants. Those who have children also tend to transfer their hukou registration to Xinjiang in order to secure their children’s access to local education and health care. In our conversa- tions, many of these migrants reported that they felt displaced and had few friends, and that the friends they had were their /goxiang (“native place fellows”). As in the cities in eastern China, /qxoxiang guanxi (“native place bonds”) constitute the basis of migrants’ social networks in Xinjiang. As one of my Sichuan acquaintances said, “Those from elsewhere don’t even understand my dialect. When I hang out, I do it with other Sichuanese who'll understand me.” Just as seasonal migrants quite under- standably do not learn to speak local non-Han languages during their employment in Xinjiang, so also is the case with petty entrepreneurs. Instead, the majority of them pursue a strategy of spatial detachment. T’hese migrants maintain close links with their families back home; in their shopping, they focus on products they know from their home provinces;” they cook their own foods or eat out in restaurants offering dishes % Frequenting one vegetable shop in Aqsu, I realized that there is a category of “Han vegetables” (Hanzu cat). This signifier was used by a Han shop keeper from Gansu Province; with it, she referred

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