Anthropos: Anthropos, 93.1998

Anthropos, 93.1998

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Zeitschrift

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschrift

Werks-URN (URL):: https://digi.evifa.de/viewer/resolver?urn=urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-714820

URN:: urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-714820

Persistenter Identifier:: BV043334262

Titel:: Anthropos

Untertitel:: internationale Zeitschrift für Völker- u. Sprachenkunde

Erscheinungsort:: Fribourg

Verlag:: Ed. St. Paul

Erscheinungsjahr:: 1906

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Wissensgebiet:: Sozial- und Kulturanthropologie > Allgemeines

Zeitschriftenband

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschriftenband

Werks-URN (URL):: https://digi.evifa.de/viewer/resolver?urn=urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-711897

URN:: urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-711897

Persistenter Identifier:: 1515154324621

Titel:: Anthropos, 93.1998

Erscheinungsjahr:: 1998

Signatur:: LA 1118

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

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Strukturtyp:: Zeitschriftenheft

Titel:: Bd. 93, 1998, Heft 1-3

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Zeitschriftenartikel

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschriftenartikel

Titel:: Some Sociopolitical Aspects of Luo Funerals

Sonstige Person:: Kisiara, Richard

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Anth ro Pos 93.1998 Some Sociopolitical Aspects of Luo Funerals A Summary of Luo Funeral Rites 129 Accounts of Luo funerals indicate that at the turn °f the century, Luo adults were buried underneath the floor of their first wives’ huts (Millikin 1906: 5 4; Hartmann 1928: 270; Mboya 1983 [1938]: 113). Hartmann, however, adds that an adult male ^ho had several wives would be buried outside of the hut in which he died after building a small temporary hut on the burial spot (1928: 270). These days people are never buried in their huts 0r houses, but burial outside of the hut or houses (not necessarily the one the deceased died in, but definitely within the homestead) continues. When death occurs, there is a lot of wailing and Cr ying by relatives in the homestead (Mboya 1983: ll; Millikin 1906: 54). Funerals are public, and f °r important persons, hundreds, even thousands °f people attend (Hartmann 1928: 270). Those ^tending at the funeral include immediate and ^tended kin, friends, colleagues, and neighbors. ^ e ople will travel from great distances to attend the funeral of an important person or that of a dose relative. The practice of tero burn involving running cows outside of the village and back, depicting a mock fight with participants carrying spears and s ome war paraphernalia is done, normally on the Se cond day after death (Mboya 1983: 112; Ndisi ^74: 80). This practice has been interpreted as a Process of chasing away evil spirits (Egan 1987: ”!)• Some also see it as a means of spreading the news of the death (Ndisi 1974: 80). Burial is the next day, as per some old accounts, but these ^ a ys many factors may delay burial for several ^ a ys. Litigation, for example, delayed by about jAe months the burial of the famed Luo lawyer S M Otieno in 1987 (Egan 1987). In addition, when ^ e ath occurs away from home, the body has to e transported, thus money has to be collected ar >d other arrangements made, further delaying the Ur ial. Burials may also be delayed to give time cr some key family members to attend the funeral (Ndisi 1974: 81). Before the burial, according to Mboya’s old ac- c°Unt, the wives of the deceased’s brother wash the a nds and feet of the deceased and put the body in grave (Mboya 1983: 113). This has obviously changed in many places, a good example being ae testimony given in the SM Otieno case that ' v °men don’t handle or wash the bodies of dead ¡? en ; that it is the brothers or male relatives of the ec eased who wash the body (Egan 1987: 69). Pood and drinks are provided for the mourners, ari( l music and dance also accompany the moum- ing, especially at night (Hartmann 1928: 270). Amount of food and drinks provided depend on the ability of the family, friends, and relatives to provide. Wailing and laughter mingle in the mourning. According to Mboya’s account, after the body had been placed in the grave, the eldest son of the deceased, followed by other sons in their descending order of birth, then followed by the deceased’s wives in their descending order of marriage, scooped by their hands and threw some dirt or soil into the grave, while facing away from the grave or with their backs turned to the grave (Mboya 1983: 114). These days, as I have witnessed, people face the grave as they throw the soil. Magenga, the night funeral fire is lit and lasts three nights after the burial for a male, and four nights for a woman. Some accounts, however switch the number of days around - four for men and three for women (Egan 1987: 69). Cooperation and Communitas in Luo Funerals A successful Luo funeral is one where attendance is large, plenty of food is available, and there is a lot crying and wailing. When the burial has taken place, and the funeral is over, the success of the funeral will be gauged by all of the above three things: “X” ji oywago ahinya (“People really mourned ‘X’”), Kayuoche oyxvage, ah ah kayuoche oywage ahinya (“His in-laws mourned him, ah ah, his in-laws mourned him a lot”), Liend “X” ji ochieme ndi (“People really ate at ‘X’ funeral”). It follows then that a successful Luo funeral and burial depend on the active involvement of not only the immediate family of the deceased, but also critically on other kin or relatives, colleagues, and friends. The reason for this is relatively clear. All of the logistics of putting together a successful funeral or burial are beyond the capacity of the bereaved family alone to provide. A description of the activities that take place in a funeral can shed light on the difficulty of putting together a successful funeral. Gathering at the deceased’s home begins imme diately, when death occurs or is learned. The initial or the immediate gathering is that of relatives who live close by and neighbors. This initial gathering is often relatively small, about fifteen to twenty people for the cases I have observed. Food and drinks are provided for all those who visit the bereaved home. Expenditures immediately start to

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